Jaramana, Syria – Since the fall of Bashar Al-Assad’s regime, the Druze community, historically located in the Suwayda governorate in the south of Syria, has been striving to preserve its autonomy amid fears of growing instability.
After years of military self-management initiated in 2015, the Druze, who constitute roughly 3% of Syria’s population, are navigating between different hopes and fears as a transitional government develops, dominated by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS).
In an unprecedented move, HTS has already announced the appointment of a Druze woman, Muhsina al-Mahithawi, as the head of the governorate, signalling potential dialogue.
But while the convening of a national dialogue and the drafting of a new constitution raises hopes for a unified state based on pluralism, the scars of war and ongoing security challenges underscore the fragility of this historic transition.
The dream of a ‘multicoloured’ Syria
“Syria is one and indivisible! It must remain so. A Syria represented by all its communities, enriched by all its colours. A Syria of a single colour cannot exist!” a Sheikh, sporting a traditional moustache and ritual white bonnet, tells The New Arab.
A member of the Druze community, an ethno-religious group practising a syncretic faith rooted in Islam, with populations spread across Lebanon, Palestine, Israel, Jordan, and Syria, the Sheikh is part of the self-defence forces tasked with overseeing checkpoints at the town of Jaramana’s entrances and exits.
Located on the outskirts of Damascus, it has historically been home to the Druze community, enriched over time by an influx of people from rural areas, Christians, and refugees from the civil war.
This relatively working-class city is known for its openness: women move freely and in significant numbers in public spaces, the sale of alcohol is common, and it attracts many middle-class Syrians from other neighbourhoods.
As the fall of Bashar Al-Assad’s regime unfolded, the statue of his father, Hafez, was toppled in the city, with the revolutionary flag raised alongside the Druze star. Druze armed factions were among the first to march on liberated Damascus, alongside the Southern Operations Room (SOR) on 8 December, ahead of the arrival of HTS.
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In the new multi-factional Syria, the message from Sheikh Hikmat al-Hajari, one of the main Druze religious leaders, is clear: he advocates for a civil state. This call resonates with many civilians, who likewise support a secular state, underscoring that “religion is for God, and the homeland is for the people”.
This stance, advocating for a clear separation between religion and politics, is deeply embedded in Druze tradition, which has long upheld a distinct divide between the two realms.
Meanwhile, Sheikh Haytham Kathab of Jaramana has stepped back from public statements, entrusting his political committee with the task of articulating the community’s aspirations.
These principles emphasise “land, religion, and dignity” for the Druze people while reaffirming their “unwavering commitment to the Syrian nation and its people”, his media representative told TNA.
The traumas of the past
Despite a nationalist discourse pushing for unity, deep concerns persist within the Druze community. The Suwayda region has been heavily impacted by the Syrian conflict and clashes with armed jihadi groups, including HTS’s predecessor, the Al-Nusra Front, have left behind a profound collective trauma.
Part of the Druze community also lived under the “proto-state” established by HTS in Idlib province, particularly in Jabal al-Summaq. When the region was taken over by the Al-Nusra Front in 2014, nearly half of the Druze population fled, terrified by the massacres, confiscations, and abductions.
Under Al-Nusra, and before the establishment of HTS governance in 2017, a process of Sunnification took root. “We were forced to abandon our faith in favour of Sunni Islam, and as religious leaders, we had to adopt their dress code, like the thobe, to be recognised,” a local Sheikh at a military checkpoint told TNA.
An additional aggravating factor for many has been the prospect of growing insecurity. The uncontrolled circulation of weapons from abandoned regime military posts has exacerbated these fears, while local self-defence forces in Jaramana have reported a rise in thefts in the region.
Moreover, numerous cases of banditry have been recorded at night along the road connecting Damascus to Suwayda.
In response, local Druze civilians are rearming themselves, with community figures such as the local laundromat owner in Jaramana becoming intermediaries in the arms trade with Suwayda province.
Beneath the cordiality of guards at military checkpoints, tensions remain palpable. This is evidenced by the recent night-time arrest of three HTS fighters, armed and unregistered at the checkpoint, in Jaramana. Distrust and fear continue to heavily weigh on inter-community relations and the future of the region.
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A brighter tomorrow
Beyond the pressing need for basic services and security, which have been in dire shortage for 13 years, transitional justice remains a pivotal issue in post-conflict Syria.
Many former regime collaborators, including military personnel and police officers who operated in northern provinces, remain detained without trial or information about their fate.
Such was the case of Kamal Abu Fakhr, a Druze police officer from Suwayda captured in Aleppo last November. His release on 9 January was secured only after protests erupted in Suwayda, underscoring the ongoing tensions surrounding these detentions.
In addition to the stated commitment to a secular state, the restructuring of the national army is another critical issue.
The two main Druze militias, the Men of Dignity and the Mountain Brigade, have expressed their willingness to integrate into a unified army, provided it transcends sectarian divisions.
However, the integration of the Muhajirin – foreign fighters affiliated with HTS – remains a major point of contention. Reports that several foreign fighters have been given high-ranking military posts have been controversial for many Syrians. Druze military factions are strongly opposed to the idea, a representative of the Jaramana self-defence forces confirmed to TNA.
The announcement of a national dialogue conference by Ahmed al-Sharaa, meanwhile, has become a significant point of anticipation for Druze leaders, military commanders, and local activists involved in Syrian NGOs.
For some, there has been a lack of transparency over who the meeting – intended to include the voices of Syrian civil actors – will include.
“We still have no information about the timeline or how we will participate,” an activist from Suwayda told TNA, fuelling fears of Druze marginalisation in the country’s political reconstruction processes.
Since the fall of Assad, HTS’s leader Ahmed al-Sharaa has made repeated overtures of respect for Syria’s diversity and the country’s different ethnic and religious groups.
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“Syria will be united, with a representative and meritocratic system. For us, there is no such thing as a minority – there are only Syrians,” HTS’s special envoy to Suwayda, Mustafa Bakour, told The New Arab, echoing this sentiment.
The appointment of Muhsina al-Mahithawi, a Druze woman, as governor of Suwayda has also been a positive signal for many.
However, others are not so optimistic about the claims of a democratic and inclusive decision-making process.
“We have suffered too much from the takfiris, and HTS embodies that essence. We don’t forget. A wolf will never become a lamb. I don’t trust the process unfolding in Damascus,” a commander from the Mountain Brigade, one of Suwayda’s largest militant groups, told The New Arab.
If a new Syrian constitution were to include elements of Islamic law, the prospect of Druze autonomy and the demand for decentralisation would become more plausible. In this scenario, however, the issue of Druze ties with Israel would arise.
While many Druze remain strongly attached to Syrian nationalism, their links with the Druze community in the Galilee and the occupied Golan Heights remain important. For instance, the Men of Dignity faction received funding from their community members across the border for the purchase of heavy weapons during the conflict with jihadi groups at the Suwayda border, fuelling suspicions and accusations of closeness to Israel.
Across from Syria’s borders, there is indeed a political stirring among senior Druze leaders. Sheikh Mowafaq Tarif, the supreme authority of the Druze in Israel – regarded by some Druze as the supreme authority for the entire community – is seen as a close ally of Tel Aviv.
Over the past month, he has ramped up his diplomatic efforts. On 6 December he visited the United Arab Emirates, and days later met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on 12 December.
In early January, meanwhile, he participated in a meeting in Washington with Republican senator Ted Cruz before delivering a lecture at a neoconservative think tank accompanied by Israeli Ambassador Michael Herzog.
These movements highlight the complex and strategic role of the Druze community as a minority group across different countries in the Middle East, one that undeniably will also play a key role in the new, free but uncertain Syria.
Armin Messager is a researcher and journalist focusing on political and social movements, sectarian dynamics, and state power in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Iraq, Iran, the Kurdistan region, and Syria
Follow him on X: @ArminMessager
Julia Zimmermann is a French-German multimedia journalist (writing, photo and video) based in the Middle East for the past 3 years. She is working as a Freelancer in the Kurdistan Region, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria for international media outlets
Follow her on Instagram: @magyarin22
