Syria’s rulers must change course to honour the revolution

Just over a week ago, Syria’s coastal region was witness to tragic events which claimed the lives of hundreds of civilians and security personnel. The violence which raged for days was accompanied by widespread looting, robbery, and murderous attacks on peaceful civilians.

Our thoughts go out to the innocent civilians who were killed in a similar way to their brothers before them during the war that Syrians from all groups had no interest in.

There could be no better way to undermine the legitimacy of the new government, and block a political transition that could lead to the successful rebuilding of the Syrian state – which all Syrians dream of – than by plunging the country back into the vortex of sectarian war. This was the modus operandi of the former regime.

But rejecting that path, and liberation from it – including the logic of revenge and killing based on identity – was the main source of legitimacy of the glorious Syrian revolution.

Extinguishing the hope of being freed from the nightmares of the past was exactly what those who planned the military rebellion in the coastal region had sought to do.

The tragedy that unfolded is a serious setback on the road to recovery and Syria’s exit from the cycle of violence, division, and internal conflict towards peace.

It also critically undermines efforts to rebuild the foundations of a new democratic state that unites the Syrian people on the basis of equality, justice, and freedom which inspired their long and stubborn struggle against decades of tyranny.

Their struggle would have been for nothing if it does not achieve its goals.

The responsibility for this new episode of bloody violence lies primarily with the remnants of the former regime, and behind them the political leadership in Tehran and what’s left of its defeated affiliates and militias in Iraq and Lebanon.

It was they who organised, armed and planned this rebellion, which aimed to draw the region’s population into a sectarian confrontation in the most sensitive areas of the country, and to block the new authorities’ path to establishing security, reuniting the country, and laying the ground for a political transition.

Dragging civilians into the clashes was part of this plan, for which the forces of the former regime and its main allies made no secret of their support.

Secondly, responsibility lies with the US administration, which has refused to lift crippling economic sanctions imposed on the Assad government, despite the fall of the regime.

Its aim is to pressure the new authorities to comply with its agenda for the Middle East. This is at a time when Syria is suffering from an economic crisis which is preventing the government from paying its employees’ salaries and is keeping the population mired in an unsolvable financial disaster which is taking its toll on the people both physically and psychologically.

However, responsibility lies solely with the new Syrian authorities for how it dealt with this rebellion – which I believe we have just seen the beginning of, because the forces which lost their influence and assets with the change of political regime, both internal and external, are unlikely to surrender and accept the new status quo in the near future.

The new regime, which showed optimism regarding its ability to extract Syria from the vortex of regional and international conflict and preventing the internal security situation from exploding, must rethink many of its plans.

It should address the cracks that the last three months of its rule have revealed at every level, most of all in the bloodbath that just took place for which the interim president has acknowledged that some of the factions involved bear responsibility.

As well as recognising this, there is a duty for the new authorities to apologise for these crimes, ask the forgiveness of the victims’ families – who were citizens from different sects – and compensate them for what happened to them.

This moment represents an opportunity to reconsider the choices that have so far guided the interim government’s path toward political transition.

Weaknesses in their approach have been revealed regarding the management of the political and military establishments; institutional state building; the media and the government’s ability to communicate with the people, and the issue of a broad and inclusive national conference – which is even more urgent today after the conclusion of the national dialogue.

There must be a review of decisions made so far if the political transition process is to be relaunched on solid foundations – and in order to guard against potential shocks, spreading of rumours, and malicious actors at home and abroad who seek to gain advantage from the state of instability.

This is the only way to compensate for the losses and ensure the blood of our victims was not shed in vain. It is also essential for bringing the government closer to the people and restoring trust between the current leadership and broad segments of Syrian society, including influential figures, as well as those Arabs and foreigners keen to see the political transition succeed. This would be important for Syria to avoid spiralling once more into violence, infighting, and division.

One of the most important issues for the leadership to address, is that it must reconsider how it is interacting and communicating with the public. It must not allow Syrian and international public opinion to fall victim to rumours, false news and malicious propaganda spread on social media platforms infiltrated by the intelligence services of hostile countries and governments.

This calls for a reboot of the media apparatus, and for a professional media cadre to be formed for this exceptional and critical stage of Syria’s internal transformation. This is crucial amidst tense and explosive regional and international conditions.

Media and communication are areas which cannot be left to social media influencers who get much of their incomplete news from foreign media outlets, often airing untrustworthy narratives. The absence of a direct line of communication between the government and the public not only opens up room for exploitation by malicious actors, but also undermines the credibility of the government and the new state itself.

Secondly, an independent investigative committee must be formed immediately to provide an accurate account of what happened on the coast and to present its report to the government and the public.

Through this, the new authority will demonstrate its ability to bear responsibility, uncover mistakes, address violations, affirm the rule of law, correct errors, and achieve justice for the victims. This is a fundamental step in affirming the rule of law, which is at the core of state building.

Thirdly, the leadership must restore public trust and activate the political transition process, organising and launching a broad and inclusive national dialogue. This should be overseen by a civilian committee, which involves prominent social figures recognised for their integrity, independence, social reputations, political, ethical and national commitment.

Their goal should not be to produce reports, but rather to break down the barriers preventing Syrians from understanding one another. The committee should open a long-blocked dialogue among members of a society that has not only been deprived for decades of the opportunity to express itself and raise concerns, but it has also been deliberately sabotaged by all means and turned into a tinderbox ready to explode at any moment.

This is the only way to gradually de-fuse the situation and rebuild trust and healthy communication. It is also the only way to bridge divergent viewpoints and seek compromises to contentious issues. Indeed, this will be essential in strengthening national unity and reviving the will for coexistence.

Fourthly, for the same reasons as above, there must be no further delay in establishing a national justice and reconciliation commission and war crimes court to address the major crimes committed during the tragic revolutionary period.

These bodies must investigate and pass judgement on all crimes committed against civilians. Perpetrators must be held accountable, and moral and material compensation provided to the victims.

Additionally, laws must be passed combatting all forms of hatred. This includes calls for revenge—whether sectarian or racial—and individuals or groups promoting or committing such acts must be punished accordingly.

Fifth, an effective, inclusive and pluralistic transitional government of experts should be formed as quickly as possible in order to respond to the growing despair be focussing its efforts on improving living conditions and ending Syria’s isolation.

The formation of this government represents the biggest test for the new authorities amongst Syrian and international public opinion. It is only by succeeding in this that (we hope) the fears and doubts some local and international powers have expressed may be dispelled, and in turn the economic sanctions strangling the state and society will be lifted – thus breathing life back into Syria’s frozen economy.

Finally, the approach to rebuilding the armed forces must be reviewed. Recent events highlighted that this process is still in its very early stages, and that the factions are still being relied on as the main source of power.  

Reality has shown that the central authority won’t be able to achieve the daunting task of dismantling these factions and integrating them into a regular, institutionalised military framework unless progress is made with the previously mentioned political, legal, and social reforms first.

These reforms are crucial for strengthening the concept of the state, the independence of its institutions and the interaction between them (most crucially right now – the military).

A strong signal of the authority’s commitment to moving beyond factionalism would be reintegrating the thousands of dissident and discharged officers into this process. This would reinforce the vision of a unified national institution within the ranks of the new army.

Progress towards achieving these tasks and reforms will help overcome the obstacles which are continuing to hinder advancement on all fronts—political, military, economic, and regarding international relations.

This is despite the huge level of support within Syria for the new reality, and the great sacrifices the people are showing they are willing to make in order to see the political transition succeed, stabilise the new situation, and thwart any attempts to go backwards or destabilise the country.

Only by witnessing tangible (even if gradual) progress, can the growing political, social, and ideological tensions in Syria be eased, and can greater confidence be fostered in a future of security, peace and no descrimination.

This progress will also reassure Syrians—regardless of sect, class, or ethnicity—of their equal rights, thereby eliminating trends toward coups, separatism, and divisions. Ultimately, it will pave the way for the new Syria that millions, both inside and outside the country, aspire to embrace.

Burhan Ghalioun is a Syrian intellectual, and a professor of political sociology at the Sorbonne University in Paris. He was the first president of the opposition Syrian National Council, and was author of “A manifesto for democracy”, among other books.

Follow him on X: @ghaliounn

Translated by Rose Chacko

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.