Lebanon’s new government is facing a combined domestic crisis with Hezbollah and a diplomatic crisis with Tehran after banning Iranian commercial flights following US and Israeli pressure.Â
The controversy erupted on February 13 when Lebanon blocked an Iranian Mahan Air flight from landing at Beirut’s Rafic Hariri Airport, reportedly following a US warning that Israel might strike the airport if it did.
The ban sparked outrage among Hezbollah supporters, leading to protests and roadblocks at the airport, as well as an attack on a UNIFIL convoy that left several peacekeepers injured. In response, the Lebanese Army intervened, using tear gas to disperse the crowds.
While condemning the attack on the UNIFIL convoy, Hezbollah criticised the security forces’ heavy-handed response and demanded the flight ban be lifted.
On Tuesday, Hezbollah MP Mohammad Raad urged the government to reverse its decision to ban Iranian flights, arguing that the move “undermines national sovereignty and harms the interests of many Lebanese citizens”.
Speaking during a parliamentary session ahead of a vote of confidence in the new government, Raad warned that compliance with such restrictions could set a “dangerous precedent“.
But he pledged cooperation with the new government despite past disputes over its composition, saying his bloc would grant the government confidence in the spirit of political partnership.
Initially set to expire on February 18, the flight ban was extended indefinitely.
Lebanon’s government said that measures against Iranian airlines are linked to European sanctions. But in reality, Israel had long accused Iran of using commercial flights to bring in cash to Hezbollah, a claim both Iran and Hezbollah deny, and has made direct threats to Beirut if it allowed Iranian flights to land.
Meanwhile, Iran banned Lebanese flights until its own flights are allowed to land in Beirut.
Some Lebanese stranded in Tehran had to be evacuated via Iraq.
Despite the flight ban crisis, the funeral of Hezbollah’s former leader, Hassan Nasrallah, assassinated by Israel on 27 September in Beirut, and Hashem Safieddine, head of Hezbollah’s Executive Council, also killed by Israel days later, represented an opportunity for Lebanese and Iranian officials to meet.
An Iranian delegation attended the funeral on Sunday, including the Speaker of the Shura Council of the Islamic Republic of Iran Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf.
Lebanese President Aoun also met the Iranian delegation, stressing that “Lebanon is tired of the wars of others on its land” and of foreign interference.
The Iranian delegation also reaffirmed support for Lebanon’s sovereignty and stability, and President Aoun shared this view, adding that unity is the best response to aggression.
The delegation’s presence at the ceremony held significant symbolic value, highlighting Iran’s ongoing support for Hezbollah. The funeral also served as a show of strength for Hezbollah, drawing a massive crowd. On a practical level, the event highlighted the continued dialogue between Lebanese and Iranian officials despite mutual flight bans and the changing political landscape, to which Iran is now attempting to adapt.
The two countries share complex ties since the 1979 Revolution, marked since the 1980s by Iran’s support for Hezbollah. Formed as a resistance movement against Israel’s invasion and occupation of southern Lebanon, Hezbollah and its organic ties to Iran also polarised Lebanese politics amid fears of foreign influence.
Cutting off Hezbollah’s power
The flight ban crisis comes at a crucial time for Beirut. Although the ceasefire with Israel ended on 18 February, Israeli forces still occupy five strategic positions along the Lebanese southern border, fueling domestic tensions.
Lebanon is still reeling from the 13-month conflict between Hezbollah and Israel tied to the Gaza war, which killed around 4,000 people and devastated vast parts of the country.
Nonetheless, despite the wave of positivity following the election of a new president and the formation of a Lebanese government led by Nawaf Salam, Lebanon finds itself in a difficult position as the flight ban crisis with Iran directly affects its relations with Hezbollah and the Shia community, in a moment where the state is seeking unity.
Fawaz Gerges, professor of international relations at the London School of Economics, told The New Arab that the Israeli-American strategy is further weakening Hezbollah, which still maintains its domestic power despite suffering from military and political losses.
“What they are trying to do is strangle Hezbollah militarily, financially, and politically. The ban of Iranian flights to Beirut reflects the American-Israeli pressure on the Lebanese government to prevent any kind of Iranian financial support,” he said.
Even before Lebanon’s government formed in early February, the US sought to influence its decisions.
In late January, Washington put pressure on Lebanese officials to block Hezbollah or its allies from nominating the next finance minister, essentially a treasurer that has to sign off on any government spending.
On February 7, during her first visit to Lebanon, US deputy Middle East envoy Morgan Ortagus drew a “red line,” stating Hezbollah should be excluded from the next government due to its military setbacks against Israel.
The next day, Lebanon’s new government was formed. Though not officially tied to any party, Yassine Jaber, a former economy and transport minister close to Amal Movement leader Nabih Berri (a Hezbollah ally), was nominated for finance minister.
In a significant shift, Lebanon’s new cabinet excluded the term “armed resistance” from its ministerial statement on February 17, the first time in over two decades.
This move sparked condemnation from Hezbollah loyalists, with MP Hassan Fadlallah warning against relinquishing Lebanon’s right to self-defence.
In this context, the future of Iran-Lebanon ties appears to be at a crossroads, shaped by regional developments and domestic challenges, with the Lebanese government caught between a rock and a hard place.
Alex Vatanka, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute with a focus on Iran, told The New Arab that Iran, like Lebanon, is currently undergoing a period of “soul-searching” as Tehran must determine whether to continue its traditional strategy of investing in Hezbollah — both financially and militarily — or to adopt a more pragmatic approach in light of increasing regional and international pressure, such as the US-Israeli threats to strike its nuclear facilities.
“At the moment, Iran seems to be accepting its defensive position and adapting pragmatically to limited options. It faces a key decision on its regional approach, particularly regarding Hezbollah,” he said. “Israeli threats and disrupted supply corridors, especially after Bashar al-Assad’s fall in Syria, raise uncertainties about Iran’s future role in Lebanon.”
Can Lebanon strike a balance between internal and external pressures?
The fragile regional dynamics put the Lebanese government in a tough spot, as it must balance ties with the US and Gulf states while needing reconstruction aid, according to Heiko Wimmen, project director for Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon at International Crisis Group.
“Lebanon wants good relations with Iran, but that may not be possible given the situation. The decision to stop the flights wasn’t due to hostility toward Iran, but because of the threat that Israel might target the airport,” he told The New Arab. “Iran’s response, banning Lebanese flights, shows little understanding and increases pressure on Lebanon’s government, indicating little tolerance for their predicament.”
However, the Lebanese authorities’ approach to Iran could lead to tensions with the Shia community, which suffered the most from Israel’s war in Lebanon.
President Aoun emphasised Lebanon’s strategy of inclusivity, stating that no sect should be excluded and that the state, not sects, must protect all. He also denied claims of a siege on the Shia sect, affirming its essential role in Lebanese society.
Gerges, however, argues that the banning of Iranian flights targets not just Hezbollah and Amal but the Shia community as a whole since they are the primary beneficiaries of Iranian support, especially after Israeli bombings destroyed their homes, shops, and land.
“This is a very serious situation. In a way, this goes back to Benjamin Netanyahu’s strategy from the beginning of his war against Lebanon, which is to trigger civil strife in Lebanon,” he said, referring to a video from October, where the Israeli Prime Minister urged the Lebanese to seize the opportunity to free the country from Hezbollah.
More broadly, the ties between Lebanon and Iran appear to be linked to US efforts to restore maximum pressure on Iran while Israel is trying to limit Hezbollah’s ability to rebuild.
Ali Alfoneh, senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, told The New Arab that the flight ban reflects the shifting balance of power in the region and Lebanon.
“While Hezbollah still is a factor in Lebanese politics, the trend is clear, which is likely to provoke a shift in Hezbollah’s approach: Prominence of the organisation as a political party, and decline of its significance as an armed proxy of Iran’s,” he said.
The Lebanese government’s biggest challenge, according to Gerges, is balancing US and Israeli pressure while maintaining peace, especially with Hezbollah and the Shia community.
Wimmen said that Iran’s next move depends on US actions, though Tehran remains focused on supporting Hezbollah despite sanctions, limited access to Lebanon, and the loss of the Syrian route after Bashar al-Assad’s fall.
“The problem is for how long Hezbollah will tolerate Israel’s infringement on Lebanon’s sovereignty,” he said.
Dario Sabaghi is a freelance journalist interested in human rights. Follow him on Twitter:Â @DarioSabaghi
