This marks Algerian president Tebboune’s first signal in months he is open to discussions with Macron, following a bitter fallout since France’s decision to support Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara. [Getty]
France and Algeria appear ready to mend ties after to move past their eight month-long diplomatic crisis.
Over the weekend, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune drew a clear distinction between his relationship with Matignon—dominated by conservatives—and his ties with current French president Emmanuel Macron, whom he described as “his sole point of reference.”
While Tebboune called France’s political situation “chaotic” and “a mess,” blaming the French government for the deterioration in relations between the two countries, he also admitted to “moments of misunderstanding” with Macron.
“However, he remains the President of the French Republic. Personally, all issues must be resolved with him or with someone he rightfully delegates–in this case, the Foreign Minister,” the Algerian president told reporters on Sunday, 23 March.
This marks Tebboune’s first signal in months he is open to discussions with Macron, following a bitter fallout since France’s decision to support Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara—where Algeria backs the separatist Polisario Front.
Paris’ shift on Western Sahara triggered a fresh round of tensions, was exacerbated further by a row over deportations and Algeria’s arrest of French Algerian writer Boualem Sansal.
“In Paris, it is understood that the path to putting bilateral relations back on track”, reported French daily Le Figaro, citing sources inside the Élysée.
The first diplomatic gesture from the French side, came from Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot, who attended an iftar last week at the Grand Mosque of Paris at the invitation of its rector, Chems-Eddine Hafiz.
Hafiz, who has acted as an informal go-between since Algeria withdrew its ambassador from Paris last July, later told Algerian media that Macron “hopes to speak with President Tebboune soon to resolve the crisis.”
Barrot has twice proposed visiting Algiers to “address all the issues.”
If such a visit materialises, it would mark a significant shift and pave the way for discussions on security and diplomatic disputes that have soured relations.
Deportation, Boualem Sansal, and the far-right
One of the most contentious points is the deportation row, which has further fuelled tensions between the two countries. Some French officials have accused Algeria of “disrespect and arrogance.”
On 18 March, Algeria’s foreign ministry rejected a French list of 60 Algerians labelled “dangerous” and slated for deportation. The ministry argued that France’s Interior Ministry bypassed standard diplomatic protocols and denied the individuals due legal process.
In response, France’s right-wing Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau vowed to retaliate.
At the same time, the French judiciary’s refusal to extradite former Algerian minister Abdeslam Bouchouareb—who lives in France since 2019—further inflamed affairs. Algiers denounced the move as “unjustified and inexplicable dithering” by French authorities.
Another key flashpoint is the detention of Boualem Sansal, a case Macron sees as central to restoring trust with Algeria.
The 80-year-old writer, who has been held in Algeria since 16 November 2024, appeared before a criminal court on 20 March. Known for his critical writings, he is accused of “affecting national unity.”
On 27 March, Macron expressed confidence in Tebboune’s “good judgement,” saying he believed the Algerian president understood that “we are dealing with a great writer who is also unwell.” Sansal, who has cancer, has become a symbol of the diplomatic rift.
Those familiar with the inner workings of Algerian politics anticipate a strategic resolution: a conviction of Sansal—to allow Algeria to “save face”—followed by a presidential pardon, likely timed for Eid, enabling the case to fade from the political agenda.
Yet, beyond the current diplomatic skirmishes, a deeper issue continues to destabilise French-Algerian ties: their fraught colonial history.
French officials often refer to these tensions as “memory issues”—a broad term that includes longstanding grievances over France’s nuclear tests in Algeria and broader debates on the legacy of colonialism.
Successive French presidents have struggled to address these wounds, offering little in the way of meaningful reconciliation.
Meanwhile, with economic difficulties and political dissatisfaction mounting in Algeria, the country’s officials have leaned more into disagreements with former coloniser France or what Macron once called using “hatred of France” as a central governing principle.
The recent Franco-Algerian rapprochement, nevertheless, risks being derailed by the conservatives within Macron’s own government.
Figures like Interior Minister Bruno Retailleau have played a central role in escalating tensions. His threats, however, have so far failed to materialise.
The suspension of the 2007 agreements—announced by Retailleau on 17 March as part of a “graduated response” to Algeria—has yet to take effect.
It’s an accord that grants visa exemption for holders of Algerian diplomatic and service passports— enshrined in an intergovernmental agreement, cannot be revoked unilaterally. The French foreign ministry has yet to formally notify Algiers of any such decision.
Despite losing his parliamentary majority in last year’s elections, Macron remains the ultimate authority on France’s foreign policy. Reports suggest tensions between him and right-wing ministers in his cabinet, particularly on Algeria.
In his speech on Sunday, Tebboune made it clear that his direct contacts would be Macron and Barrot.
Yet, how Macron’s emboldened right-wing ministers react to any thaw in relations could shape—and potentially derail—the fragile path to reconciliation.
