Dozens of Druze residents gathered in the Seyouf Square of Jaramana, a Damascus suburb, last Tuesday, holding banners denouncing comments made by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and calling for Syria’s unwavering unity.
The protest, one of several across different Druze strongholds in Syria, came in the wake of Netanyahu’s statements days earlier when he declared that Israel would prevent Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the newly emerging Syrian army from advancing into areas south of Damascus.
The Israeli leader insisted on the complete demilitarisation of southern Syria in the provinces of Quneitra, Daraa, and Suweida from the forces of the new regime, while also stressing that Israel would not “tolerate any threat to the Druze community in southern Syria”.
Netanyahu also indicated that Israeli forces would maintain their presence in Syrian territory captured since the fall of Assad last December, a notable departure from Israel’s previous stance, which had characterised its military operations in the UN-supervised demilitarised buffer zone of the Golan Heights as a short-term measure aimed at protecting Israeli citizens.
Last week, Israeli airstrikes targeted multiple locations in Syria, including a site near the capital and another in the southern province of Daraa. According to state broadcaster Syria TV, Israeli aircraft struck the town of Kisweh, situated roughly 20 kilometres south of Damascus, while another wave of Israeli attacks struck a location in Daraa province.
The Israeli military later released a statement acknowledging the strikes, stating that they had targeted military sites in southern Syria, including command centres and weapons storage facilities.
The escalation came just hours after Syria strongly condemned Israel’s military activities in the country’s south and called for an immediate withdrawal, as outlined in the concluding statement of a national summit held on Tuesday.
Over the weekend, Israel further escalated its rhetoric, warning Syria’s new rulers not to “harm the Druze”, with Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz saying he had ordered the army to prepare to defend the community in the Damascus suburb of Jaramana.
“We will not allow the terrorist regime of radical Islam in Syria to harm the Druze. If the regime harms the Druze, it will be harmed by us,” a statement said. The comments came after clashes in Jaramana – home to a large population of Palestinian and Iraqi refugees – between Druze gunmen and the country’s new security forces, which killed one person.
Suleiman Kataba, a Druze political analyst and member of the Founding Committee for the Civil Gathering in Jaramana, which organised last week’s protest, told The New Arab that for almost all members of the Syrian minority, “Israel remains an enemy” that still occupies the Golan Heights.
“They have no concern for [the Druze] in Suweida,” he added, arguing that Israel’s real interest lay in “maintaining discord” and ensuring the southern region “remained disarmed”.
“They lack trust in the new government, unlike the confidence they had in Assad’s regime, which they saw as a border protector,” he continued.
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Adham Alabani, a civil society activist in Jaramana, echoed the rejection of Israeli statements but expressed frustration with the Syrian government’s response.
“We protested to reject Netanyahu’s statements and to raise our voices against his claims. But, frankly, the government in Damascus has been disappointing in its handling of the situation,” he said. “We expected them to give a stronger response.”
Last Monday, interim Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa convened the National Dialogue Conference after establishing a preparatory committee. The gathering brought together 600 Syrian figures from various backgrounds, yet Druze activists criticised their exclusion from the discussions.
Adham Alabani, a political activist from Jaramana, expressed disappointment, pointing out that the town had welcomed 2.3 million war refugees during the decade-long civil war, including nearly half of Ghouta’s displaced population.
“Jaramana’s population is now comparable to Gaza’s. How could none of us be invited? The population includes Druze, Sunnis, Alawites, and others. We deserved representation, yet we were ignored,” he said.
Growing tensions
The Druze are a significant component of Syria’s social fabric. In 2010, the last year for which reliable census data is available, Syria was home to approximately 700,000 Druze, constituting about three percent of the total population.
Most Syrian Druze reside in Suweida, though substantial communities are also found in Damascus and its suburbs, including Jaramana, Sahnaya, and Jdeidat Artouz. Smaller populations live on the eastern slopes of Mount Hermon and in 14 villages in Jabal al-Summaq, northeast of Idlib.
Despite the apparent unity in rejecting Netanyahu’s statements, the situation remains highly complex, according to activist Samih al-Awam, as not all members of the community agree on their future within the emerging Syrian state.
“Suweida province, for example is divided into three main factions,” he told The New Arab. “The first and largest is al-Harak al-Mojatamei movement, whose supporters overwhelmingly back the interim government.”
The second group, also aligned with the new administration, consists of various armed factions, the most prominent of which is Rijal al-Karama (Men of Dignity), followed by Liwa al-Jabal, Balous Forces, and the Ahrar al-Jabal coalition, led by Sheikh Suleiman Abdel Baqi, according to al-Awam.
The third faction, he continued, includes four groups allied with Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri.
“These factions advocate for decentralisation,” he added. “Although their interpretation of the concept is highly subjective.”
He criticised those in Suweida for rejecting integration with Damascus, calling them a minority in the Druze community.
“I support a secular state, but the proposed decentralisation is unacceptable. That’s tribal governance and contradicts the democratic ideals on which we want to build a new Syria,” he said.
Political analyst Ghassan Youssef acknowledged the divisions within Suweida but noted that, despite these differences, all factions “share a common stance” against Israeli intervention.
“There is broad consensus on one issue: none of these groups seek Israeli patronage,” he told The New Arab.
“Israel’s attempts to position itself as a protector of the Druze are widely rejected because the community views its fate as tied to Syria, not an external actor with its own strategic interests.”
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A great historic role
Political analyst Suleiman Kataba told The New Arab that the community have always been an integral part of Syria’s social fabric.
“Historically, we have played a national role. The Great Syrian Revolt wouldn’t have happened without the unity between Druze leader Sultan Pasha al-Atrash and Sunni Damascus leader Abdul Rahman Shahbandar,” he said.
“We oppose any independent military council or separatist agenda. What’s happening in Suweida isn’t necessarily heading in that direction, but if it does, we will oppose it. Our integration into the state is the best response to Netanyahu,” he said.
Youssef echoed this sentiment, stressing Suweida’s historic role in Syria.
“Suweida will remain part of Syria because the majority rejects foreign influence. Although local factions disagree on relations with Damascus, they will eventually find common ground with the government,” he said.
Youssef also noted Suweida’s geographical limitations, pointing out that as a small southern province without a seaport, it will ultimately rely on Damascus.
The province also has deep-rooted Arab nationalist currents, a legacy of the Great Syrian Revolt.
“Most Druze historically supported Arab nationalism, especially under [former Egyptian President] Gamal Abdel Nasser,” Youssef observed.
But despite these ties, many Druze now feel sidelined in shaping Syria’s future, al-Awam added.
“The Druze exclusion from the recent conference only deepened their frustration,” he told The New Arab. “I don’t understand how a community that has played such a pivotal role in Syria’s history could be left without representation.”
In addition to the alleged exclusion, al-Awam also criticised the current leadership’s “weak response”.
“We hoped for a stronger stance from Damascus, one that condemned Netanyahu’s remarks and reaffirmed the Druze role in Syria’s future,” he said.
“Israel didn’t just threaten to invade but sought to pose as a protector, sowing division that must be eradicated before it’s too late.”
This article is published in collaboration with Egab.
