Finally, a job for the Arab League: Help dislodge Hamas

Columnist
Dan Perry
February 2, 2025

As the release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners were taking place this weekend, the Arab League met in Cairo and issued a statement reaffirming support for the Palestinian cause. The foreign ministers of Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and the Palestinian Authority stood united in rejecting President Donald Trump’s musings about Palestinians being relocated from Gaza to neighboring countries, and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi insisted that Palestinian statehood is essential for peace.

All of that was quite predictable and, as usual with this umbrella group for a disunited and dysfunctional region, not particularly useful or impactful. But if the Cairo-based organization wants to actually help the Palestinians, now is the moment for a difficult-but-achievable task of freeing the Palestinians of Hamas. Words of support are meaningless without a strategy for what comes after the devastating war sparked by Hamas’ Oct. 7 invasion and massacre.

The current ceasefire in Gaza, if fully implemented, will see Israel withdraw and end the war in exchange for the release of its hostages. Implicit in this arrangement is that Hamas, however degraded and wounded, remains in control there. That’s not something Israel can easily accept, that will lead to stability or that will enable progress and prosperity for the Palestinians.

Indeed, Israel is buzzing with suspicion that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will try to scuttle the remaining stages of the deal somehow, because carrying it out risks the collapse of his coalition, as the far-right parties have threatened to bolt. (Such are Netanyahu’s priorities.) He has been invited to the White House on Tuesday — almost certainly to ensure that this will not occur, and possibly for the dangling of carrots, such as a peace deal with Saudi Arabia, should he play along.

But continuing to twist Netanyahu’s arm is only one half of what needs to be done. The other is to find a way to move Hamas aside, even though Israel’s devastating use of military power has somehow failed to achieve this on its own.

The war has left Gaza in ruins, its economy shattered and its people suffering under one of the worst humanitarian crises in modern history. But while Israel may be withdrawing militarily, that does not mean the Arab world must do anything to help Hamas consolidate power.

Arab states should rally behind the only plausible alternative: restoring the Palestinian Authority (PA) to Gaza. This is not an endorsement of the PA’s governance — its corruption and ineffectiveness are well known — but recognition that it is the least bad option. The PA’s return is the only viable alternative to indefinite Hamas rule, but it will require a coordinated regional effort.

That means Arab states must be engaged in a significant way. To govern effectively, the PA will need massive assistance. It must also undergo significant reforms — rooting out corruption, holding elections and demonstrating a commitment to rebuilding Gaza in a way that benefits its people, not just its leadership. Its hand will need to be held.

The Arab world should make the choice unmistakably clear: If Hamas remains in power, Gaza will continue to suffer. But if Hamas steps down, the Arab world should commit to a massive aid and reconstruction effort, funneling tens of billions of dollars into rebuilding Gaza. Such a move by the Arab League would have several stages and aspects.

► It should declare that Hamas made a terrible mistake in barbarically attacking Israel on Oct. 7 and, in general, has ruled Gaza poorly and without a popular mandate. It should explain that no further collaboration is possible with Hamas in Gaza in its current form. It should support the Palestinian Authority being restored to power in Gaza and for Hamas to disarm, under the principle that a government must have a monopoly on armed forces.

► It should call for significant democratic and anti-corruption reforms in the Palestinian Authority, including a transition plan for 89-year-old Mahmoud Abbas, who was last elected two decades ago, making clear that elections for a new president should be held reasonably soon.

► It should make clear that it is willing to provide the Palestinians considerable practical assistance, including troops if needed, to maintain order and security in Gaza.

► It should pull together a massive aid package to rebuild Gaza, which would be in the tens of billions of dollars, within a short timeframe, not as fuzzy future commitments. The Palestinians must see that something real and profound awaits them.

► It should make clear that none of this assistance and funding will be funneled through Hamas, which no longer has any credibility (if it ever did). The entire package must be completely conditional on Hamas complying. This will be a particular challenge with Qatar, who is the only leading Arab country that is close to the Muslim Brotherhood, from which Hamas sprang. The U.S. has leverage with Qatar, and I assess they will go along.

There are other elements. Egypt must ensure there is no smuggling across its border with Gaza — with the threat of reductions in the critical aid that it receives from the U.S.. And the U.S. should bring every conceivable form of pressure on European banks to ensure that no monies are transferred to the network of shell companies used for funneling funds to Hamas.

Some will say that none of this will work — let them. Some will say that the Palestinians must determine their own fate. That’s nonsense, because they are currently held hostage by Hamas and there are few pockets of democracy in the Arab world. Rather, they need practical solutions, a rescue plan and a paradigm shift.

Trump is, famously, a disruptor who likes to shake things up and bash heads. Many of his targets are misconceived, requiring neither shaking or bashing. But sometimes simple, blunt and even thuggish approaches can be useful. The Middle East is crying out for it, and Trump should press America’s Arab partners to move precisely in this direction.

Could the Arab League possibly act decisively in a way that is neither pandering nor ineffectual? It does not seem likely, but it is not without precedent.

Founded in 1945, the Arab League has mostly been useless. It failed to agree to the 1947 United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine, with its main states going to war with the nascent Israel instead. Its infamous “Three No’s” of 1967 at the Khartoum Summit declared opposition to peace, recognition, and negotiations with Israel. It suspended Egypt over its 1978 decision to make peace with Israel and failed utterly to seize on the moment of hope during the 2011 Arab Spring.

Then again, there are some glimmers of hope. In 1990, when Iraq invaded Kuwait, the Arab League condemned the invasion and authorized a collective response. And the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 was a rare moment of forward-thinking diplomacy, proposing full recognition of Israel by all Arab states in exchange for an independent Palestinian state along the 1967 borders. Israel dismissed it at the time, but elements of the plan continue to be referenced in negotiations.

It’s a spotty record at best, but a good deal of redemption can be had for helping the Palestinians free themselves of Hamas.

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