It’s time Syria returns to pluralism after Assad divide-and-rule

The overthrow of the tyrannical Assad regime in Syria has unveiled an opportunity for Syrians to reclaim their country by establishing a representative government that respects and includes all religious and ethnic communities, such as Sunni and Shia Muslims, Christians, Druze, and Kurds.

This moment not only invites political change but also a reevaluation of and a greater appreciation for the historical interfaith dynamics that have characterised Syria.

The history of interfaith and inter-communal relations in Syria is significant, showcasing a long-standing tradition of coexistence, albeit imperfect and flawed. This brief discussion recognises the centrality of pluralism, which Diana Eck states is “not diversity alone, but the energetic engagement with diversity.”

Greater Syria (Bilad al-Sham), encompassing present-day Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Jordan, has a rich history of multi-ethnic and multi-religious coexistence.

In a tradition attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, he said: “‘Blessed be al-Sham. Blessed be al-Sham. Blessed be al-Sham.’ Somebody said: ‘What is that, Oh Messenger of God?’ ‘Those are the angels of God. . . spreading their wings over al-Sham.'” Syria is a blessed land not only because of Jerusalem but because all the land was blessed by God.

The Ottoman authorities generally accepted this diversity without imposing religious conformity. The Quran explicitly states, “Let there be no compulsion in religion: Truth stands out clear from Error” (Surah Al-Baqarah, 2:256), emphasising the principle of religious freedom.

Historical records, such as those from the Sharia courts, illustrate that Muslims and non-Muslims coexisted, engaged in business, and participated in civil proceedings. For example, Christians, Jews, and Muslims often collaborated economically, reflecting mutual respect and coexistence.

Though rivalries existed, including between Christians and Jews, the integration of various religious communities in workplaces and social settings emphasises this harmony. Interactions among different faiths were common, showcasing social cohesion that transcended sectarian boundaries. Economic interdependencies existed where contracts and business arrangements often involved individuals from diverse religious backgrounds.

Historian Mark R. Cohen explains the concept of marginality, which describes the position of Jews in medieval societies as being part of a hierarchical structure where they occupied a subordinate status but had some permeability with the dominant culture. He argues that this marginality was less alienated than complete exclusion, indicating a complex relationship between Jews and their surrounding societies.

This concept of marginality can also be seen in the broader context of how various religious communities interacted within the Ottoman Empire, fostering a unique form of social integration.

Familiar tensions

However, this harmonious coexistence was periodically challenged by episodes of violence and conflict. Violence often emerged at times of economic conflict, heightened taxes, and an unwillingness to accept sudden changes that, in the eyes of the majority, destabilised relations with other members of society.

These tensions were exacerbated by colonial interventions. The 1860 massacres in Mount Lebanon and Damascus reveal the fragility of this coexistence but also the potential for reconciliation and rebuilding.

Figures like Butrus al-Bustani, a Protestant Christian Lebanese, called for a reevaluation of communal relationships in the wake of violence, urging the need for ecumenical awareness to foster unity among diverse groups.

Bustani’s appeal illustrates that crises can serve as opportunities for the reformation of inter-communal ties. To facilitate this reformation, it is crucial to establish consultative bodies comprising communal and religious leaders.

This would not only promote dialogue but also ensure that diverse voices are represented in the rebuilding process, fostering a sense of ownership among all communities.

It is important to note that violence, while historically significant, was not the everyday norm in the Middle East. Focusing solely on episodes of violence can obscure the long periods of peaceful coexistence and collaboration that were far more typical of daily life.

By concentrating on these positive aspects, we can better understand the potential for harmony and mutual respect that exists within diverse societies.

Sectarian violence in the Ottoman Empire, particularly during the nineteenth century, was influenced by colonial interventions. The crisis of Ottoman order, including sectarian violence, was exacerbated by European imperialism, which manipulated religious diversity to justify intervention. This period saw a dual approach where colonial powers reinforced sectarian divisions while also promoting a narrative of protecting minorities.

Violence was not merely a result of inherent religious or ethnic differences but often the outcome of colonial policies that sought to divide communities for easier governance.

For instance, British and French colonial authorities in the mandate states of Iraq and Syria manipulated sectarian identities to undermine potential nationalist movements. Intercommunal violence, such as the sectarian riots in Lebanon and Syria, occurred during times of significant political upheaval and were often responses to colonial pressures or local grievances against colonial rule. These events are reflections of broader socio-economic issues rather than purely religious conflicts.

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During these tumultuous times in 1860, Emir Abdelkader emerged as a significant figure whose actions exemplified the power of interfaith cooperation. By sheltering approximately 10,000 Christians — including ordinary Christians as well as diplomats and Christian clergy — from imminent attacks during the sectarian violence in Damascus, Abdelkader not only saved lives but also played a pivotal role in restoring interfaith collaboration at a time when such unity was desperately needed.

After being imprisoned by the French for wanting to liberate his native Algeria, his legacy now serves as a poignant example of how Muslims, Christians, and others within Syrian society can come together to forge a new, inclusive society.

John Kiser’s book, Commander of the Faithful: The Life and Times of Emir Abd el-Kader, details the Emir’s noble actions and unwavering commitment to humanitarianism and interfaith dialogue. Abdelkader’s principles and leadership during the 1860 events remain a testament to the power of compassionate and courageous leadership in fostering peace. His ability to transcend religious and cultural boundaries to protect those in need highlights the timeless value of empathy and solidarity in times of crisis.

In contemporary discussions of sectarianism and national identity, invoking lessons from Syria’s history of coexistence can be crucial. Emphasising cooperation over conflict can serve as a foundational element for a national identity that embraces diversity.

The modern ecumenical frame, which emerged during the late Ottoman period, advocates for equal treatment of all citizens regardless of religious affiliation. This perspective can counter divisive rhetoric and promote unity in today’s political discourse.

Harvard scholar of religion Diana Eck, in her work A New Religious America: How a ‘Christian Country’ Has Become the World’s Most Religiously Diverse Nation, underscores the importance of interfaith dialogue and understanding in building a cohesive society.

She highlights the concept of “religious pluralism,” which involves engaging actively with religious diversity to build a common understanding and mutual respect.

As Eck states, “Pluralism is not just diversity alone, but the energetic engagement with diversity… it does not require new neighbours to know anything about one another. Tolerance can create a climate of restraint but not one of understanding”.

Steven Wasserstrom’s notion of “cultural symbiosis” describes the mutually beneficial relationships between different religious communities.

However, while historical contexts like these lay the foundation for understanding interfaith interactions, today’s religious pluralism goes further. It represents not only a historical genesis of interfaith engagement but also a proactive, ongoing dialogue that draws upon past interactions to inform current and future relationships.

Acknowledging historical connections and shared values can foster renewed unity in Syria. By recognising the positive aspects of interfaith relations from the past, current and future leaders can develop policies that promote inclusivity and cooperation among various communities.

The idea of ulfa (unity and love) that Bustani advocated highlights the necessity for a collective identity that transcends sectarian divisions.

The diverse religious groups in Syria can serve as a model for rebuilding a pluralistic society that values every individual’s contribution.

Understanding Syria’s rich history of interfaith coexistence is vital for addressing contemporary challenges. By learning from the past, Syrians can aspire to a future that values diversity and fosters peace, paving the way for a more inclusive society.

Engaging with these ideas through the lens of religious pluralism allows for a deeper appreciation of the diverse cultures and beliefs that shape the region today.

Building a new Syria for all Syrians

Recent events have highlighted the ongoing challenges to interfaith harmony in Syria. In December 2024, a Christmas tree was set on fire in Suqaylabiyah, a predominantly Christian town near Hama. This act of vandalism sparked widespread protests across the nation, demonstrating the fragility of religious coexistence in post-Assad Syria.

In Damascus, thousands of demonstrators gathered in the historic Bab Touma district, also known as St. Thomas Gate, brandishing crosses and Syrian flags while chanting, “We will sacrifice our souls for our cross.” Bab Touma, part of the Old City of Damascus, holds particular significance as it was in this same quarter where Emir Abdelkader once lived and sheltered Christians during the 1860 violence.

This connection between past and present underscores the enduring importance of Syria’s interfaith legacy and the need for continued efforts to foster understanding and cooperation among all religious communities.

As Makdisi poignantly states, “The work to imagine and build societies that transcend sectarian difference has been multifaceted and contradictory”. Therein, the challenge lies in active engagement.

Today, while there is much talk about defending minority rights, a more profound vision for Syria involves all Syrians living freely, with political and religious leaders of all faiths striving to create an authentic vision of a pluralist society.

In discussing Syria’s diverse social fabric, it’s crucial to move beyond terminology that inadvertently creates divisions. The use of terms like “minorities” and “minority rights” can unintentionally perpetuate a sense of otherness and vulnerability based solely on numerical representation. This approach risks oversimplifying the complex tapestry of Syrian society and may reinforce perceived power imbalances.

Instead, we should frame our discourse around the concept of “ethnic and religious communities.” This terminology acknowledges the distinct identities of various groups while emphasising their integral role in the broader Syrian national identity.

By focusing on communities rather than minorities, we recognise that each group, regardless of size, contributes uniquely and equally to Syria’s cultural richness and social fabric.

This shift in language promotes a more inclusive vision of Syrian society, where all communities are viewed as essential components of the nation, rather than as separate entities in need of protection.

It encourages a perspective that values the contributions and rights of all Syrians, fostering a sense of shared citizenship and mutual respect among diverse ethnic and religious groups.

This vision must be deeply rooted in the historical dynamism that has characterised Syria’s rich tapestry of cultural and religious identities over centuries, as evidenced by the coexistence and interdependence that have historically flourished among its diverse communities. To realise this vision, it is essential to foster mutual respect, understanding, and cooperation among all religious communities, which are crucial for sustaining peace in a post-conflict society.

The historical precedent of collaboration across sectarian lines highlights the potential for a shared future that honours both diversity and unity. Moreover, invoking authenticity in this context means drawing on the genuine cultural heritage of Syria — one that celebrates its pluralistic nature rather than suppressing it.

Establishing consultative bodies of communal and religious leaders can further enhance this cooperative spirit, ensuring that all voices are heard and represented in the journey towards unity and inclusion. This collaborative framework can facilitate not only dialogue but also promote a sense of belonging among all Syrians, cultivating a national identity that embraces both the complexity and the commonality of experiences within the country.

By emphasising these elements of historical dynamism, authenticity, and inclusive governance, Syria can aspire to build a resilient and harmonious society that honours its past while looking forward to a shared future.

Professor Josef Meri is a Senior Fellow and faculty member at the Alwaleed Bin Talal for Muslim-Christian Understanding, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. Meri is a historian of interfaith relations in the Middle East and a historian of religions specialised in teaching about pluralism, interfaith relations, Arab autobiography, identity and belonging among other themes.

Follow Josef on BlueSky: @josefmeri.bsky.social

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.