Tunisia may ‘host’ exiled Hamas figures in next Gaza deal

Tunisia could become the next exile for Hamas figures, but the prospect has split the North African country—opposition politicians warn of security risks, while pro-Palestinian activists call it a moral duty.

Since early February, Israeli media has floated the possibility of ‘relocating’ some Hamas figures to Tunisia as part of ceasefire negotiations—a claim yet to be officially confirmed. However, even the suggestion has fractured public opinion.

Opposition parties argue that hosting Hamas fighters could once again make Tunisia a military target, drawing parallels to Operation Wooden Leg—the 1985 Israeli airstrike that targeted the PLO’s headquarters in Tunis, killing more than 60 people. 

“The Tunisian people must have a say in such a critical matter,” said Olfa Hamdi, leader of the Third Republic Party, as she called for a public referendum on the issue.

In a press release, she warned that such a move risks “transferring the Middle Eastern conflict to North Africa.”

“While we sympathise with Gaza’s civilians, we cannot accept Hamas fighters and risk making Tunisia a new conflict zone”, she added.

Other opposition parties have refrained from addressing the rumoured plan.

Yet, for pro-Palestinian activists, the debate is not about security but solidarity.

The Joint Action for Palestine Coordination, a coalition of civil society groups, has urged the government to accept exiled Palestinian prisoners, fighters, and wounded civilians, calling it a humanitarian obligation.

“We are against the displacement of anyone from Palestine, but if the resistance agrees and they themselves accept it, then they must be welcomed”, said Wael Nouar, a member of the coalition.

“Unfortunately, however, the official Tunisian stance still seems to be hesitating in receiving the exiled.”

The controversy taps into Tunisia’s past role as a refuge for Palestinian leaders.

In 1982, after Israel’s invasion of Lebanon, the PLO and its leader, Yasser Arafat, relocated to Tunis, where they operated for over a decade. 

On 1 October 1985, six Israeli army fighter jets entered Tunisian airspace unresisted in an attempt to assassinate PLO’s leader Yasser Arafat.

At 10 am, they proceeded to drop bombs, each weighing approximately one ton, over the headquarters of PLO in Hammam Chatt, a southern suburb of Tunis.

They missed their target, but 68 people were killed in the strikes, 50 Palestinians and 18 Tunisians, and more than a hundred were injured.

Despite the growing debate, Tunisia‘s official stance remains ambiguous.

President Kais Saied, who has built his rule on nationalist, anti-migrant rhetoric, has yet to address the reports directly. His government has cracked down on sub-Saharan asylum seekers—many fleeing war and conflict—arguing Tunisia should not be a hub for “foreign settlements.”

Now, the prospect of hosting exiled Hamas figures sits awkwardly with his stance.

Former presidential candidate Olfa Hamdi has warned that Tunisia, grappling with economic crisis and political instability, is the weakest link in the region and should avoid entanglement in foreign conflicts.

Yet, precisely because of those vulnerabilities, some fear Tunis may be more susceptible to external pressure regarding Gaza.

Regional and Western powers are reportedly involved in discussions over where exiled Hamas figures might go.

Some reports suggest multiple countries, including Algeria and Qatar, have been approached as potential hosts.