Welcome to Modi’s India, the training ground for Western fascism

Over the past decade, the global far-right has changed in major ways. In the past, it was mostly focused on white supremacism and European nationalism. But now, it is forming alliances with non-European groups, most notably Hindu nationalists in India.

This growing connection between Hindutva and far-right movements in the US and Europe raises serious questions about how modern fascism adapts beyond racial boundaries.

This connection is not new. The relationship between Hindu nationalism and European fascism dates back to the early 20th century.

At that time, the idea of an “Aryan race” connected German nationalists with privileged caste Hindus, who were seen as having a common ancestry.

Some European thinkers, like Savitri Devi Mukherji, strengthened this connection by combining Hindu mysticism with Nazi racial ideas. She praised both the Hindu caste system and Hitler’s vision of a racial state.

Despite these historical ties, today’s alliance between Hindutva and the Western far-right is more about shared enemies than shared origins. Both movements promote Islamophobia, oppose secularism, and aim for an ethnically or religiously dominant state.

In the US and Europe, far-right populists blame Muslim minorities for social problems and see them as threats. In India, Hindutva groups, led by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have passed policies that target Muslims, Christians, and Dalits.

This shared ideology has led to real-world collaborations. For example, Norwegian mass shooter Anders Behring Breivik praised Hindutva in his manifesto, and Dutch far-right leader Geert Wilders defended a BJP politician’s derogatory remarks against Prophet. Other links include Steve Bannon’s admiration of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Hindu nationalist leaders participating in far-right events like the National Conservatism Conference. 

One of the most striking aspects of this convergence is the increasing presence of Indian-origin figures in Western far-right politics.

People like Suella Braverman and Priti Patel in the UK, Kash Patel and Vivek Ramaswamy in the US, and Alice Weidel’s partner in Germany (possibly of Tamil origin) show how Hindutva-aligned elites have entered white supremacist spaces. These individuals gain acceptance by supporting nationalist, anti-Muslim, and anti-immigrant policies.

A new multiracial fascism?

This shift reveals the changing nature of far-right politics. Historically, white supremacy excluded non-Europeans from power. But today, the global far-right is strategically expanding.

Hindu nationalism serves as a model of a non-Western movement that builds a majority-based state while upholding religious and racial hierarchy. This approach appeals to Western far-right groups, which also seek to replace liberal democracy with nationalist, ethno-religious states.

The American Sangh (HSS), a network of Hindutva organisations in the U.S., has played a crucial role in strengthening these ties. Groups like the Hindu American Foundation (HAF) and the Republican Hindu Coalition present themselves as defenders of Hindu rights while aligning with conservative and Islamophobic causes. Their influence is seen in efforts to end affirmative action and block caste protections in workplaces.

Far-right collaboration is also visible in publishing and ideology-building. The alt-right publishing house Arktos has helped spread books that mix Hindu mysticism with far-right ideas. Its co-founder, Daniel Friberg, claims to have met with over a hundred influential figures in India, including politicians and religious leaders.

Arktos has ties to far-right parties across Europe, including France’s National Front, Germany’s National Democratic Party, and Italy’s Lega Nord. Figures like Russian nationalist Alexander Dugin, who advocates for an anti-liberal world order, are embraced by both American far-right groups and Hindu nationalists.

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One recent example of this ideological connection is the growing link between India’s Hindu nationalist networks and Sweden’s far-right Sweden Democrats. Both groups share anti-Muslim rhetoric, as seen when Sweden Democrat Richard Jomshof shared controversial cartoons from an Indian nationalist site.

However, the growing influence of Hindutva within the far-right does not signify an abandonment of racial hierarchies. Rather, it reflects a conditional arrangement in which Hindu nationalists are accepted as subordinates within the framework of white supremacy.

Their inclusion serves the strategic interests of white supremacists, but only as long as they acknowledge and operate within this hierarchy. The presence of Indian-origin far-right figures does not indicate a dilution of white supremacist ideology; instead, it demonstrates its ability to incorporate useful allies while maintaining racial dominance. Those who conform to this structure remain within the fold, while those who challenge it — such as Vivek Ramaswamy — are quickly discarded.

The liberal response to this growing alliance has been inconsistent at best. While many Western liberals strongly oppose white nationalism, they are often hesitant to criticise Hindu nationalism. This hesitation comes from a view of India as a tolerant and democratic society.

As a result, Hindutva has gained more legitimacy in global politics, despite promoting many of the same extreme policies and even worse as the Western far-right.

The growing connection between Hindutva and the Western far-right is a warning sign. Fascism is evolving. It is no longer limited to white supremacism but is forming alliances with non-European movements that share authoritarian and exclusionary goals.

To fight this new far-right, progressives must recognise that white nationalism and Hindu nationalism are linked. Just as anti-fascists resist far-right extremism in the US and Europe, they must also challenge Hindutva’s influence worldwide.

The fight against far-right politics cannot be isolated. Stopping authoritarian nationalism — whether in the form of white supremacy in the West or Hindutva in India — requires global cooperation. Marginalised communities must unite to challenge racial and religious supremacy while defending democracy and pluralism. The rise of a multiracial far-right is a reality that cannot be ignored.

Ashok Swain is a professor of peace and conflict research at Uppsala University, Sweden

Follow him on X: @ashoswai

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.